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Security December 1, 2020 1758 Reads

Indonesia and Global Maritime Fulcrum: Is there a Deficit of Commitment?

K
By Krupa Vasani
Author • Centre for Security & Strategic Studies
Indonesia and Global Maritime Fulcrum: Is there a Deficit of Commitment?
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY & STRATEGIC TAKEAWAYS

President Jokowi hosted the Indian Ocean Rim Association's Leaders' Summit in March 2017 in Jakarta, Indonesia entitled "Strengthening Maritime Cooperation for a Peaceful, Stable and Prosperous Indian Ocean". This event was significant in t...

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The Indian Ocean is important to Indonesia and the whole of Southeast Asia due to historical, economic, political and strategic reasons. The Indian Ocean has a rich history of maritime trade and commerce with Europe, Africa, the Middle East, South Asia and East Asia. But while the trade in past was more focused on spices and exotic goods, today's Indian Ocean draws world's attention with oil, natural gas, fisheries and the mineral in the seabed.

President Joko Widodo came to power in 2014, and one of the winning mandates was giving highest priority on developing the maritime sector. Jokowi's election manifesto promised to strengthen Indonesia's maritime security and expand regional diplomacy to cover the entire Indo-Pacific and to increase the prestige of Indonesian navy. He further announced in June, 2014 that he aimed to transform Indonesia into a 'global maritime axis' (poros maritim dunia). Jokowi's promise to turn Indonesia into a Global Maritime Fulcrum, was built on maritime culture, resources, infrastructure, diplomacy and defense. Within three years of holding office, the GMF doctrine was codified and expanded through a Presidential Regulation of National Sea Policy. While maritime commerce has been a part of Indonesia's foreign and domestic policy, Jokowi is the first President of Indonesia to produce and implement a maritime security doctrine and implement it.

The current progress of GMF can be assessed in three main spheres: economic, defense and foreign policy. Under the economic front, there have been notable advancements. One of the key focus of the policy was to enhance the inter-island connectivity and upgrade the port infrastructure within Indonesian archipelago which includes thousands of islands and is spread over 6 million square kilometers. According to a World Bank report, the cost of shipping between the islands of Indonesia is more than shipping to Singapore. As a result, lack of infrastructure hampered the connectivity which in turn has negatively impacted the maritime commerce growth. Under the Jokowi administration, 19 new ports have been built across Indonesia and construction of eight more ports is ongoing. Out of 37 priority projects organized by the Committee for Acceleration of Priority Infrastructure Delivery (KPPIP), only four are related to port development, including the construction of Kuala Tanjung International Hub Seaport Hub in North Sumatra and Bitung International Hub Seaport in North Sulawesi.

These port development projects do not have significant impact as they are not accompanied by streamlined regulations and efficient bureaucracy. The subnational governments do not work in a synchronized manner. The projects are designed to generate profit but they are highly subsidized by the government as there is lack of coordination between the projects and local economic activities.

On the security front, GMF has not brought in many changes in its navy. While there is not a lot of information on the changes (even if they have been introduced), rather that is the white paper which highlights the internal security issues as the main threat for the country. While modernization of the navy was one of the proposed goals in the GMF policy, the government of Jokowi has not availed advanced machines due to the budget constraints.

The GMF still stands a chance to thrive in its foreign policy. Since 2018, Indonesia has invested efforts on emphasizing pivotal role of ASEAN in Indo-Pacific. Indonesia's Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been successful in building relationship with the regional powers with a focus on maritime policy through defense diplomacy and joint military exercises; norm building; or cooperation based on shared maritime interests. For instance, Indonesia's cooperation with India increased after they launched a joint initiative to develop a sea port in Sabang to boost maritime connectivity. Both countries have upgraded their partnerships with a strong and special attention to maritime cooperation. But at the same time, Indonesia has not been able to get benefits from its relationship with China. While China's partnership with Indonesia has provided financial support for the infrastructure projects under the umbrella of maritime Silk Road, the relationship is not free on conflict. The projects are still in the development phase and keep getting delayed due to the negative public sentiment towards Chinese investment in Indonesia.

But at the same time, Indonesia has showcased some assertiveness when it comes to enhancing its border and maritime security in matters related to South China Sea. For example - there is a conflict between China and Indonesia. The nine dot line marked by China clashes with Indonesia’s sovereignty and Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) claim over the Natuna Islands. Jokowi has attempted to demonstrate his determination to defend Indonesian sovereignty by renaming the northern part of the EEZ the ‘North Natuna Sea’ in a move that has antagonized China. Another example is that of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Ministry's controversial vessel sinking policy - a practice to sink any vessel which gets caught fishing illegally in Indonesian waters. Since the inception of ministry, Indonesia's fish stock has surged to 12.5 million a year in 2015 from 7.1 million in 2014. One of ships which has been sunk is that of China. This policy sends a clear message to not only China but also to other regional powers and has invited strong concerns.

It is safe to say that the GMF has not been a complete failure nor is it just another policy which was all play and no work. The policy has translated into some tangible results in economic policies and even foreign policy that features substantial improvement. However, the speed and size of these changes are small when compared to what was promised by Jokowi in 2014. While it is a given that such changes need time to materialize into something concrete, the slow and steady approach will not make Indonesia into a global maritime hub.

The government needs to take a proactive role and pave a smooth road to bring in the necessary reforms. Given the fact that Jokowi squandered GMD by abandoning the doctrine and its implementation half way through his term is something which has not sat well with both the domestic and international public. But even with his recent consecutive win, it is not sure that GMF will receive the same space and commitment it did in his first term. Jokowi has spoken about GMF at the international forum and public speeches and this can thus be taken as a sign of optimism and hope. However, one cannot ignore the coordination issues, management, operational difficulties and the government's commitment deficit while talking about GMF. Jokowi's government needs to solve these internal issues of management, lack of connectivity and infrastructure, bureaucracies and corruption in order to achieve the dream of Indonesia becoming the global maritime hub before it’s too late.


Pic Courtesy-Harry Kessel at unsplash.com

(The views expressed are personal.)







Krupa Vasani
About Krupa Vasani →

Krupa Vasani is a current Scholar at The Vedica’s Scholar Program, New Delhi and is pursuing her MBA in Management and Leadership. An undergraduate from O. P Jindal Global University, Krupa holds a bachelors in International Relations. Over the course of three years as an undergraduate, Krupa has developed an interest in the Security and Strategic Studies and Development Sector. Indian Foreign Policy, South South Cooperation and the Strategy in Indo-Pacific and South Asian Politics and the emerging Quadrilateral Diplomacy are some of her areas of interest. She is currently associated with CESCUBE as part time researcher.

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