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Terrorism October 12, 2020 2140 Reads

Terror Groups in Philippines: A Status Report

K
By Krupa Vasani
Author • Centre for Security & Strategic Studies
Terror Groups in Philippines: A Status Report
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY & STRATEGIC TAKEAWAYS

On July 2020, the Philippines' President Rodrigo Duterte signed the Anti-Terrorism Act of 2020. The Act was approved by both the Philippines’ Senate and House of Representatives in February and June 2020 respectively. This new legislation w...

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Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)

The Philippines has a presence of several terrorist organisations. Communist rebels, Islamic separatists’ organisations, clan militias and criminal groups have created havoc in the country which has led to many Filipinos being murdered in bombings, assassinations, kidnapping attempts and even executions.

Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) was the first the Islamic extremist group in the Philippines and was established in 1971 to fight for an independent Moro (Islamic) state in the Mindanao. Filipino Muslims call themselves Moro, derived from the word 'Moor', a insulting and derogatory slang used by Spanish colonialists to refer to Islamic North Africans. This term was later adopted by the Christians, a majority in the country to describe their Muslim neighbours in the southern islands of the country. The MNLF were a strong group of terrorists but after a decade of fighting and negotiations between the MNLF and the Philippines’ government, the then-President Corazon Aquino, in 1989 signed a low which established the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) allowing for the self-rule of the predominately Muslim areas. But the violence did not end which ultimately led the government and MNLF to signed a peace agreement, which ended the armed struggle of the group (Staff, BBC News, 2012).

The Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) emerged out of the MNLF after a split in 1978 over leadership and strategic conflict. Salamat Hashim, the founding leader of MILF was unhappy with the agreement signed between the government and MNLF. He was unhappy about the fact the ARMM allowed them autonomous rule but not an independent region, which always had been a demand of MNLF. While Hashim rallied for more radical elements to rally for their cause, over the years the MILF too entered in negotiations with the Philippine government. From the 2 decades, MILF has been in negotiations with the government and has since given up violence and terrorist activities. IN 2014 March, the MILF and the government of then President Benigno Aquino III signed Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsomoro (CAB). CAB laid foundation for a legislative framework which would replace ARMM and grant greater autonomy and politically create Bangsomoro identity (Staff, The Economist, 2014). 

On July 26 2018, the Philippines’ President signed the Bangsamoro Organic Law, also known as Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) and is a follow up on the CAB signed in 2014. This move has been welcomed by all almost all the countries and international organisation and is expected to address the principles grievances of MILF. The ARMM would be replaced by a new autonomous region namely Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). New provinces have been added to existing ARMM territories. More so, according to the Article 5 of the law, the Bangsamoro government will be created with the assistance from the central government and will have greater autonomy over the matters like justice, budgeting, resources and revenue, civil services, culture and language, indigenous people's rights, ancestral domain and natural resources (Ximenes, 2018). This law has been accepted by MILF and MLNF and have pledged to fight violence and extremism and have promised to cooperate with the central government. The law was approved by a plebiscite in which the locals of the region participated and with the majority of voting favour of BARMM, BOL/BLL was officially ratified on January 25 2020.

Abu Sayaf Group (ASG)

The Abu Sayaf Group (ASG) is the most violent of the Islamic separatists’ groups in Philippines which operates in the southern part of the country. A splinter of Moro National Liberation Front in 1990's, it claims to promote an independent Islamic state in western Mindanao and Sulu Archipelago. The groups have been actively involved in kidnappings for ransom, bombing, extortion and assassinations and has ties with Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) and Al-Qaeda. From 2006 to 2017, the group was divided into two factions - the Sulu based faction was led by Randulan Sahiron and the Basilian based faction was led by Totoni Hapilon until October 2017. In 2016, a band of ASG members, used the group's alternate name, Harakatul Islamiyah and pledged allegiance to ISIS and named Hapilon their leader (Banlaoi, 2020).

ASG too has several splinter groups who have now pledged allegiance to ISIS like the Sulu based faction led by Hajan Sawadjaan and a Basilian faction led by Furuji Indama, who is believed to be a close ally of Hapilon. While President Duterte has promised to reduce the extremism in the country and has pledged for a heavy crackdown on the terrorist organisations, he refuses to negotiate with the violent ASG and has shut doors on peace talks with the terrorist organisation. This can be quite alarming given that ISIS is gaining prominence in the region and is expanding its networks.

Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF)

BIFF is a spin-off organisation of the MILF and was formed in December 2010 under the leadership by Ustadz Ameril Umbra Kato. Unhappy that even MILF strayed away from its demand, BIFF has been of a belief that both, MILF and MNLF have undermined the Moro Islamic identity and cause. While BIFF is more powerful and violent that ASG, its influence remains highly localised, only in the two hamlets of Maguindanao. Hence, like ASG it too has started getting closer to ISIS to fulfil its goals.

Other Terror Groups

Jamaal al-Tawhid Wal Jihad Philippines (JaTWJP) also known as Tawhid and Jihad Group in the Land of the Philippines and Pride, emerged in 2012. It promotes a jihadist ideology and it is believed the leader of the group is Abu Atikah al Mujahir.

Ansar Khalifah Sarangani (AKS) also known as Supporters of the Caliphate surfaced in 2014 under the leadership of Abdul Basit Usman. A bomb making organisation, this terror group has lost relevance after the death of Usman. Most of the members have since them shifted to KIM.

Khalifah Islamiyah Mindanao is a jihadi organisation which seeks to create an independent religious state in Mindanao. Under the leadership of Humam Abdul Najid, an Afghan trained Islamic cleric, the organisation is usually referred to as an umbrella movement that links the Islamists from ASG, BIFF and now defunct JI network.

ISIS

ISIS started its outreach in Philippines in 2016 and mainly recruited foreign fighters who could not travel back to its self-proclaimed caliphate in Iraq and Syria. ISIS has launched a two-pronged expansion in the Filipino country - it has recruited people from terror organisation which were already active in the country or have seek the allegiance of the terror groups itself. Most of the terror groups like ASG, BIFF (Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters) have joined hands with ISIS because it has more funds and its ideology is more accepted which can help them in achieving their own goals (Chalk, 2016).

ISIS has also connected with the Maute Group which is also known as Islamic State in Lanao has been responsible for many bomb explosions in past 5 years. In 2017, the Maute rebels took siege of Marawi, following a gunfight with the army and national police. The group has also been accused of harbouring Hapilon who is allegedly the ISIS leader in Southeast Asia and has been working on increasing the support base of ISIS in Philippines.

None of the above provides definitive evidence that the Islamic State has managed to establish a concerted operational presence in the Philippines. To date, most of the group’s activities appear to have been directed toward two ends: proselytism and recruitment (Chalk, 2016). It is known that the Islamic State has used social media tools in an attempt to co-opt potential followers and sympathizers from schools and universities in Mindanao.

While there is no proof on what amount of public support ISIS has been able to win, it surely has not been a ally or influencer for MILF. MILF’s firm rejection of the Islamic State notwithstanding, at least some Filipinos are thought to have left the country to fight for the movement’s cause. But it is clear that ISIS enjoys verbal support from other terror groups in Philippines and this should surely be a cause of alarm for the Filipino government.

Conclusion

The various pledges that ISIS has managed to gain from the militant groups in Mindanao has generated fears that the group has formed a new operational base in the heart of Southeast Asia. Small terror entities which initially did not have a lot of power or relevance, are now becoming strong due to the legitimacy and funds they are receiving from ISIS. But as of now the evidence of the creation of an umbrella-like structure under ISIS is not visible. While the possibility of such a development is surely there, the rebel’s groups of Mindanao can emerge as a strong wall against the unified and effective jihadist force, if needed.

Finally, while much of northern and central Philippines remains very much networked and, on the grid, many Muslims in the south lack the type of concerted online presence that the Islamic State can usefully exploit. Moreover, given strong family, clan, and cultural ties that exist in this part of the country, it is unlikely that they would be swayed by the group’s missives in the first place. But at the same time, there is a threat to 2.5 million expatriates who live and work in the Middle East who can be singled out, either for recruitment or a target for direct attacks. The government needs to join hands with the rebel forces like MILF and MNLF and simultaneously needs to monitor and protect the Filipino diaspora in order to prevent them for becoming a national security issue overseas.

References

Banlaoi, R. C. (2020, May 15). Eurasia Review. Terrorism in The Philippines During The Pandemic: Persistent Threats Three Years After Marawi Siege – Analysis. Retrieved from https://www.eurasiareview.com/15052020-terrorism-in-the-philippines-during-the-pandemic-persistent-threats-three-years-after-marawi-siege-analysis/

Chalk, P. (2016). The Islamic State in the Philippines: A Looming Shadow in Southeast Asia? Combating Terrorism Centre.

Staff. (2012, October 8). BBC News. Guide to the Philippines conflict.

Staff. (2014, March 14). The Economist. A peace agreement in Mindanao: A fragile peace. Retrieved from https://www.economist.com/asia/2014/02/01/a-fragile-peace?fsrc=scn%2Ftw_ec%2Fa_fragile_peace

Ximenes, F. B. (2018, October 8). The Diplomat. Bringing Peace to the Philippines’ Troubled South: The Bangsamoro Organic Law. Retrieved from https://thediplomat.com/2018/10/bringing-peace-to-the-philippines-troubled-south-the-bangsamoro-organic-law/


Pic courtesy-Bermix Studio at unsplash.com

(The views expressed are personal)

Krupa Vasani
About Krupa Vasani →

Krupa Vasani is a current Scholar at The Vedica’s Scholar Program, New Delhi and is pursuing her MBA in Management and Leadership. An undergraduate from O. P Jindal Global University, Krupa holds a bachelors in International Relations. Over the course of three years as an undergraduate, Krupa has developed an interest in the Security and Strategic Studies and Development Sector. Indian Foreign Policy, South South Cooperation and the Strategy in Indo-Pacific and South Asian Politics and the emerging Quadrilateral Diplomacy are some of her areas of interest. She is currently associated with CESCUBE as part time researcher.

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