Thailand Protests: A Movement for Democracy

Political unrest is not a new phenomenon for the country of Thailand. Currently, the conservative government of Thailand led by Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha holds power. The government is a military regime and leads a politically rigged system where the citizens face unending repression of fundamental rights and freedoms. 

Chan-ocha came to power in 2014 after seizing power through a coup. General elections took place in 2019 but since they were structurally rigged, it enabled Chan-ocha's government to extend the hold on power. The government has structurally dismantled the democratic institutions of the country - it has enforced censorship and blocked public discussion on human rights and democracy. Since 2014, Prayuth and his government have set in all mechanisms to maintain their power: they have written a new constitution, appointed a senate with the members which are allies of the government and have even drawn up a 20-year-old 'National Strategy'.

While the dissatisfaction against the suppressing government has been brewing for a long time, the last straw for the Thai people was when the government dissolved the pro-democracy opposition party, Future Forward Party (FFP). FFP enjoys good public support with its charismatic leader Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, garnered the third-largest share of seats and was particularly popular with young, first-time voters. However, in February, the court, which is under the control of the government of Chan-ocha, ruled that FFP had received a loan from Thanathorn which was considered a donation - thus making it illegal. Hence, the party was disbanded.

Thousands of people then took to street to protest this move of the government. Most of the protestors are the youth of the country including the students and the working people. They have managed to revive and expand the pro-democracy movement which has existed in the country from a very long time, but what sets apart this pro-democracy movement in Thailand from its previous movements that the people participating in the movement do not belong to any political party; but are the citizens of the country.

The people of the country were fed up with the dictatorial government which is controlled by the military. The movement started with the protestors criticising the government and its repressive policy but soon expanded. The movement calls for amendments to the constitution, new election and an end to the harassment and lynching of protestors, activists and state critics. Along with this, the protestors also want the powers of the monarchy to be curbed. The powers of the king in Thailand and its law, 'lese majeste law' are one of the most controversial topics of public discussion. Hailed as one of the strictest laws, ‘lese majeste law' forbids any citizens from insulting the monarchy, and if found guilty of doing so, one may face up to 15 years in jail. This law has been used by the government to control and suppress the free speech.

The growing civil unrest in Thailand hit a pause when the COVID-19 pandemic hit the world. But while the crowds and rallies evaporated from the streets of Bangkok, the movement continued online. The government has tried to suppress the movement and even deployed riot police and arrested three protests leaders - the human rights lawyer Anon Nampa, student activist Parit Chiwarak, widely known by his nickname "Penguin", and Panusaya Sithijirawattanakul. This just made the movement stronger the young activists, who initially called themselves "Free People" organisation, have now organised themselves into a coalition called 'People's Party'.

Women have been at the forefront of this movement and have played leading roles in the movement. The movement has given the women a platform to raise their voice and demand for gender equality in country where the workplaces and politics are still dominated by men. The female leadership is demanding abortion reforms, destigmatising sex work and denouncing sexual violence. As is the case with all mass protests, the movement has expanded. LGBTQ activists along with the activists campaigning of self-determination in the Muslim Malay region of Patani have joined the movement. 

Thailand needs structural reforms to not only boost its economy but to also boost the productivity of the human capital. Thailand's government repressive economic policies have costed them huge bucks as it has imposed laws to discourage foreign firms and skilled professionals from entering the domestic market. This has created a vacuum for the educated youth who have no option to leave the country because of lack of opportunities and the suppressing government.

While the first big protest rally in the month of the August 2020 left around 40 people injured when the government used tear gas and water cannons and even guns to supress the protest, the dissent amongst the people has just increased. Since then, mass protests, rallies and demonstrations have been organised, violating the emergency rules imposed by the prime minister of the country.

What sets this movement apart from the other pro-democracy movements is that it does not have a clear leadership and organisations structure. This can be seen as both, an advantage and a disadvantage. On one hand it has enabled the protestors to continue despite the arrests of the key activists. At the same time, it has also denied these non-elected activists an opportunity to engage in face-to-face debate within the wider movement and the officials.

One thing which seems very clear is that the stage of compromise between the government and the protestors has passed away. Now there seem two possibilities - first, the protest movement gets more organised and powerful and pushes from actions like strikes, agitations, etc. or else the momentum will be lost. This will shake the already dwindling economy and the government will have to take steps to rectify that, or all hell will break loose. Workplaces strikes are the best options to make the movement stronger as the movement enjoys public support. Many Thai trade unions of the private sector are opposed to the government policies and have taken to the streets with the protestors. Labour groups, clusters of automobile industry, textile workers and small business owners have joined the movement against the government too.

The movement has been strong despite the setbacks it faced due to the pandemic. While the economy of Thailand is weakening due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the youth of the country want reforms. They are angry, frustrated, and do not want to lead a stifling life, which is why they are protesting to get a better future. While the task of toppling the government and establishing democracy is not easy, the failure of Red Shirt protests have taught that - in order to make the movement successful, it is important to expand the movement to the working class. One can only hope the Thai protestors do not lose vigour and courage and level up their protest to achieve their demands.

(The views expressed are personal.)